Wednesday, November 24, 2021

Racialized System: Design or Fate?

By Cristobal Villegas

Introduction

The United States of America in 2021 is the result of the decisions of past political leaders, resurgent social movements, and the creation and interpretation of laws. Whether you prefer the starting line to be 1619 or 1776, the nation the United States is today is greatly influenced by those of yesterday.

In 1789, James Madison proposed the Bill of Rights the the House of Representatives. Although the pivotal events that the United States would eventually face in the coming decades and centuries was most likely not in the mind of James Madison, he spoke to those in attendance with much vigor and compassion, especially to the Representatives in the room from the hesitant states that showed reluctance in supporting the proposed Constitution, "We ought not to disregard their (the gentlemen from the reluctant states) inclination, but, on principles of amity and moderation,... declare the the great rights of mankind secured under this constitution." [1] Although Madison expresses the equal benefit that all parties will receive from the passing of the Amendments, Madison emphasizes the need "to provide those securities for liberty which are required by a part of the community" as the "stronger motive" in persuading the hesitant. [2] By ensuring those with different interests are heard and included in the inception of the United States, the part of the community that was reluctant would eventually reunite.

Such a commitment in ensuring that a part of the community is recognized and given their chosen liberties feels lost in 2021. 

Statistic

According to The Sentencing Project, in 2019 there were 2,185,008 people in prison and jail. For every one (1) white person imprisoned, there are about five (5) (4.8 to be exact) black people along with them. In Utah, there are about eight (8) black people imprisoned to one (1) white person. [3] The over-representation of incarcerated black folk must be put into context, as it is anything but a coincidence that the present racial disparities within the criminal justice system are the way they are. A 2018 publication by The Sentencing Project reports on the racial disparities in the American criminal justice system, "African Americans are more likely than white Americans to be arrested; once arrested, they are more likely to be convicted; and once convicted, and they are more likely to experience lengthy prison sentences." [4]

One can seek to blame the racially minoritized people and their actions for their respective predicament, however such an explanation is devoid of actual evidence and data, historical context, and social factors such as class. Although a concrete cause of the present racial and socioeconomic inequalities have not been solidified, black defendants are treated more harshly throughout the criminal justice system, including key points such as arrest, plea bargaining, jury verdicts, sentencing, and death penalties. [5] 

Real-World Consequences

This takes us to the exoneration of the Groveland Four that occurred this week, as Florida officially cleared the four young black men wrongfully accused of raping a 17-year-old white girl in 1949, more than 70 years later. [6] Although none of the four men are living, the living family members and their attorneys share the racial bias against the men by stating that "the evidence strongly suggests that the sheriff, the judge and the prosecutor all but ensured guilty verdicts in this case." [7]

From left, Vivian Shepherd, a niece of Samuel Shepherd; Gerald Threat, a nephew of Walter Irvin; and Carol Greenlee, Charles Greenlee’s daughter, at a monument at the Old Lake County courthouse in Tavares, Fla., in 2020.
From left, Vivian Shepherd, a niece of Samuel Shepherd; Gerald Threat, a nephew of Walter Irvin; and Carol Greenlee, Charles Greenlee’s daughter, at a monument at the Old Lake County courthouse in Tavares, Fla., in 2020.

Another story with a timely update is the pardoning of the “Martinsville Seven.” Seven young black men were executed in 1951, all by electrocution. Although the pardons were not necessarily for the placement of culpability, the Governor of Virginia gave the reasoning behind the pardon by explaining that the men “were tried without adequate due process and received a racially biased death sentence not similarly applied to white defendants.” [8]

Although these unfortunate applications of US law occurred over 70 years ago, racial disparities in death sentences and executions continue to persist into 2019. [9] Back in 1987, even the United States Supreme Court at the time recognized the harsher application of death penalties and death sentences toward black defendants. [10] (Check out number 4 in the "Further Readings and Resources" to learn more about the national and regional repercussions of the McCleskey v. Kemp case)


Optional Questions:

How can the concerns of a racialized "part" of the community be reconciled with a judicial system shaped, in-part, by racial bigotry?

Race is a social construct with real-world consequences, how can the criminal justice system be more fair to a person regardless of phenotypical characteristics?

Should justice be color-blind?

How have you witnessed the criminal justice system be race-neutral? How have you seen it race-conscious? 

How can existing social structures perpetuate unequal and unjust treatment of racialized people?

What can you do to reduce the harm caused by negative bias based on race?


Sources:

(1) The Bill of Rights with Writings that Formed its Foundation, 2017, P. 17. Applewood Books, Bedford, MA.
(2) Id. 
(3) Criminal Justice Facts: State-by-State Data, The Sentencing Project. Link to statistics.
(4) Report of The Sentencing Project to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance: Regarding Racial Disparities in the United States Criminal Justice System, March 2018. The Sentencing Project. Click Here for the PDF Report. Click Here for the Webpage of the Summary of the Report.
(5) The Color of Justice, 2021. Constitutional Rights Foundation. Click here to access webpage.
(6) 4 Black men exonerated more than 70 years after being wrongly accused of raping a White teen girl, Weisfeldt, S. Nov 23, 2021. CNN. (Link to Story)
(7) Four Black Men Wrongly Charged With Rape Are Exonerated 72 Years Later, Holpuch, A. Nov 22, 2021. The New York Times. (link to story)
(8) 7 Black men were executed for an alleged rape in 1951. Now they've been pardoned, Sgueglia, K. Sept 2, 2021. CNN. (Link to Story)
(9) DPIC Analysis: Racial Disparities Persisted in U.S. Death Sentences and Executions in 2019. Jan 21, 2020. Death Penalty Information Center. (webpage)
(10) MCCLESKEY v. KEMP, 107 S.Ct. 1756 (1987).


Further Readings and Resources:

1. Study: All-White Jury Pools Convict Black Defendants 16 Percent More Often Than Whites (website)
2. Race and the Jury: Illegal Discrimination in Jury Selection (website) (pdf)
3. Racial Representativeness of Juries: An Analysis of Source List and Administrative Effects on the Jury Pool (pdf)
4. RACE AND PROPORTIONALITY SINCE MCCLESKEY V. KEMP (1987): DIFFERENT ACTORS WITH MIXED STRATEGIES OF DENIAL AND AVOIDANCE. David C. Baldus et. al., Race and Proportionality Since Mccleskey v. Kemp (1987): Different Actors with Mixed Strategies of Denial and Avoidance, 39 Colum. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 143 (2007)
5. Comparative Review of Death Sentences: An Empirical Study of the Georgia Experience, Baldus, D. Pulaski, C. Woodworth, G. Fall 1983. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. Vol 74 Issue 3 Fall Article 2. (link to pdf)

Monday, November 22, 2021

Unconstitutional loophole or a fair exception?

 Amber L 





The Double Jeopardy Clause of the Fifth Amendment states that no one can be tried more than once for the same crime [1]. However, this is not always guaranteed as there is an exception to this clause known as "dual-sovereignty" which allows someone to be prosecuted twice for the same offence if the prosecution can show them as separate sovereigns [2] 

This brings us to the case of Gamble v. Unites States. In 2008, Terance Gamble was convicted in Alabama state court which resulted in a felony. Several years later, Gamble was pulled over and it was found he had possession of marijuana and a 9-millimeter pistol. Under Alabama and federal law, felons are forbidden from possessing a firearm. [3] 

Gamble pled guilty to state charges and received one year, he also was charged in federal court where he was ultimately sentenced to 46 months total, which resulted in an additional 34-month term for the same firearm possession 

Cue in dual sovereignty/ separate sovereigns rule, where a defendant can be prosecuted by the federal government and a state (or two different states), for the same crime. By breaking Alabamas "felon-possession" statue, Gamble "offended" the state of Alabama; by breaking the federal statute, he also "offended" the United States [3] 

The Double Jeopardy Clause was created in 1969 and has not been revisited since its development. Due to the expansion of federal criminal law, there is quite a bit of overlap with state law, which increases the possibility of duplicate prosecution [3] 

To conclude, in a 7-2 opinion in an appeal from Gamble, the court declined to overturn the dual-sovereignty doctrine. 

Some items to think about when it comes to double jeopardy and sovereign separation 
1. Should the dual sovereignty loophole be closed? 
2. Do you feel this is an unconstitutional loophole?
3. Should there be certain crimes that allow for charges from dual sovereigns for the same offence? 

The Atlantic article also touches on the following: 
1. Should the dual-sovereignty exception remain in place to support the Justice Departments Civil Rights Division to rectify state court failures and hold police officers accountable by bringing Federal Civil Rights prosecutions for the same incidents? 







https://www.economist.com/britain/2001/03/08/in-double-jeopardy






Tuesday, November 9, 2021

When to bear, is a bear

 

Constitutional interpretation has long been a hotly contested issue on many fronts, and Amendment 2 is no different. Amendment 2 of the United States Constitution states, "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." It seems the founders of the constitution believed bearing arms is a fundamental right, but where and when it is allowed, and whether the issue is under state or federal jurisdiction, is not quite as clear. Inconsistent case law has also muddied the water on whether people can bear arms in public and to what extent. Please read the following NPR article https://www.npr.org/2021/11/03/1049380749/gun-rights-supreme-court-arguments-new-york, and ponder the following questions:

·        Is carrying a firearm outside the home a constitutional right?

·        Based on the 14th amendment, can states regulate gun control outside the house to protect the state's public safety?

·         Do you agree with John Robert's argument that second amendment rights should be comparable to first amendment rights, in terms of a person's right to exercise without limitation?

o   The Second Amendment protects a constitutional right just as the First Amendment does, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. said. People seeking to exercise either of those rights, he said, should not have to demonstrate to the government that they have a good reason or special need to do so. "You don't have to say, when you're looking for a permit to speak on a street corner or whatever, that, you know, your speech is particularly important," he said. "So why do you have to show in this case, convince somebody, that you're entitled to exercise your Second Amendment right?" Nina Totenberg, Gun rights are back at the Supreme Court for the first time in more than a decade, NPR.org (November 3, 2021), https://www.npr.org/2021/11/03/1049380749/gun-rights-supreme-court-arguments-new-york.

·         Under the 2nd amendment, should there be any limitations on what kind of "Arms" you can carry, e.g., machine gun, flame thrower, grenade launcher?

 ·        What philosophy of interpretation is most appropriate and why?

 

Below are further readings explaining the contradiction between the right to bear arms and the right to regulate arms, along with the Supreme Court's decision-making process:

Saul Cornell, The Right to Regulate Arms in the Era of the Fourteenth Amendment: The Emergence of Good Cause Permit Schemes in Post-Civil War America, 55 U.C. Davis L. Rev. Online 65 (2021) https://www.westlaw.com/Document/I5b3a76533d3d11ecbea4f0dc9fb69570/View/FullText.html?transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&VR=3.0&RS=cblt1.0

Stephanie Cooper Blum, Drying Up the Slippery Slope: A New Approach to the Second Amendment, 67 Buff. L. Rev. 961, 961 (2019) https://www.westlaw.com/Document/I68643202117a11eaadfea82903531a62/View/FullText.html?transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&VR=3.0&RS=cblt1.0

Constitutional Law-Second Amendment-Ninth Circuit Panel Holds Open-Carry Law Infringes Core Right to Bear Arms in Public.-Young v. Hawaii, 896 F.3d 1044 (9th Cir. 2018), Reh'g En Banc Granted, 915 F.3d 681 (9th Cir. 2019, 132 Harv. L. Rev. 2066 (2019) https://www.westlaw.com/Document/I510b4ba8777e11e9adfea82903531a62/View/FullText.html?transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&VR=3.0&RS=cblt1.0

Monday, November 8, 2021

1871 Ku Klux Klan Act Applied in 2021 Civil Action Case

Charlottesville 2017 Rally Turned Riot

Susan M.

 









On August 12, 2017, protestors and counter protestors faced off in a rally in Charlottesville, VA, over the city’s decision to remove the statue of General Robert E. Lee from the city park. The rally/protest lasted two days. Criminal charges were filed against individual actors, the most egregious being a murder conviction. Following the exhaustion of the criminal charges, a group of 9 plaintiffs brought civil action against 14 defendants and 10 far right groups (many that have dissolved or reorganized under a different name) purported to be the organizers of the rally. The plaintiffs allege violation of their civil rights and are seeking damages for the injuries.  They are claiming this under Amendment XIV of the U.S. Constitution and 42 U.S. Code § 1985, updated code from what was formerly referred to as the Ku Klux Klan Act (1871). The defendants are claiming freedom of speech. [1]

Even with the passage of Amendment XIV following the Civil War, many southern state governments and police were turning a blind eye to the amendment. Congress, by this act, was overriding state police authority and authorizing executive action by the U.S. President under federal law. [2]  The first conviction under this act was made against two policeman and a group of citizens who orchestrated the release of two black men from custody who were then murdered—essentially, the police turned over the two black men to a mob.[3] 

Included in 42 U.S. Code § 1985 (3), is a phrase brought forward from the Ku Klux Klan Act, authorizing not only the executive branch, but citizens to bring charges against citizens; the claim under which Charlottesville residents are suing:

If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire or go in disguise on the highway or on the premises of another, for the purpose of depriving, either directly or indirectly, any person or class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immunities under the laws; . . . whereby another is injured in his person or property, or deprived of having and exercising any right or privilege of a citizen of the United States, the party so injured or deprived may have an action for the recovery of damages occasioned by such injury or deprivation, against any one or more of the conspirators.

As we have discussed in class, the constitution only protects citizens from government action or actors. However, the Charlottesville case, the civil charges against President Trump for the January 6th riots at the U.S. Capitol,[4] and Texas Senate Bill 8[5] are about citizens suing citizens over constitutional rights.

The question is: Should private citizens, claiming constitutional rights, be able to bring charges against other private citizens for recovery of damages?   



Tuesday, October 26, 2021

Charmed and Disarmed or A Shattered Dream; The Trial of Elizabeth Holmes

  


     Elizabeth Holmes started as a charismatic Stanford dropout at the age of 19, claiming she had found her calling in life through the identification of a technological gap in our healthcare system. In 2003, Holmes founded a private healthcare company she named Theranos, a conjunction of Therapy and Diagnose, becoming the youngest CEO in the Silicon Valley. Her dream was to create a machine that could detect hundreds of medical conditions and diseases with just one drop of blood from the fingertip. This machine was to be implemented in stores across America to provide citizens with the ability to test at a lower cost and higher frequency. Holmes was eager to flip the healthcare system on its head, revolutionizing medical laboratory testing, and she was out for blood.

    To fund Theranos, Holmes had charmed many powerful men into believing in her dream. One investor was former U.S. Secretary of Defense James “Mad Dawg” Mattis, investing $85,000 of his own money into Theranos, placing its net worth over $9 billion. On September 22, 2021, Mattis stated in his testimony that Holmes initially struck him as “sharp, articulate, committed”, but concluded by saying “looking back, I am disappointed at the level of transparency from Ms. Holmes”[1]. Mattis is the seventh witness to give testimony against Holmes in a criminal case of two counts of conspiracy to commit wire fraud and nine counts of wire fraud [2] as defined by 18 U.S.C.A. § 371[3], alleging clear intent to defraud someone under false representations or promises.

    Holmes also had disarmed national pharmacy and retail chain Walgreen through publicity and mainstream attention, raising over $50 million from the pharmacy giant by stating they had been FDA approved-which they never had- and that their technology had been comprehensively validated, which they could never prove[4].

    Additionally, Holmes had solicited doctors and patients into using Theranos’s blood testing laboratory services, even though, allegedly, she knew Theranos was not capable of producing reliable and accurate results for most blood tests[5]. The means of alleged deception was done through a combination of direct communications, marketing materials, media statements, and financial statements. Holmes is being criminally investigated under the allegation of defrauding investors by lying about the accuracy of her tests as well as defrauding patients and doctors by producing inaccurate tests, going against what she had advertised. Trial for Holmes began 08/31/2021 where she may face 20 years of prison and a $500,000 fine. She intends to plead not guilty of wire fraud under the defense of  naivety, that she was a hard-working, young businesswoman who simply failed in the industry[6].

 

My questions to you are:

(1)   Do you believe naivety is reason enough to be found not guilty?

(2) Can "conspiracy to commit fraud" be proven beyond reasonable doubt in a criminal case?

(3)   Should some of the fault of Holmes’ actions fall on those blindly investing?

(4)   Based on the fact pattern above, would you consider her innocent, not guilty, or guilty?



[1] The Associated Press, “What a Trump Defense Secretary Said at the Elizabeth Holmes Trial,” NPR, September 23, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/09/23/1040033127/mattis-elizabeth-holmes-theranos-trial

[2] U.S. v. Holmes, et al. (2021) Northern District of California

[3] 18 U.S.C.A. § 371 (1994)

[4] Sophia Kunthara “A Closer Look At Theranos’ Big-Name Investors, Partners And Board As Elizabeth Holmes’ Criminal Trial Begins “, September 14, 2021, https://news.crunchbase.com/news/theranos-elizabeth-holmes-trial-investors-board/

[5] U.S. v. Holmes, et al. (2021) Northern District of California

[6] Jody Godoy, “Failure is not a crime,' defense says in trial of Theranos founder Holmes”, September 9,2021 https://www.reuters.com/business/healthcare-pharmaceuticals/fraud-trial-theranos-founder-elizabeth-holmes-set-begin-2021-09-08/

Monday, October 25, 2021

Deplatforming and Free Speech - Jessica Hartle

               “Cancel Culture” is a buzzword we have all become very familiar with since it gained popularity in 2014. However, for the most part, cancel culture does not have the permanent and detrimental effect that is implied in the name. Comedian Louis C.K. was “cancelled” in 2017 when he admitted to multiple sexual assaults and returned with a 24 city tour in 2021. Does “cancellation” only derail a career for a few years and provide an opportunity to capitalize on being canceled?

              It is arguable that the threat of “cancelation” is not an effective hindrance against harmful behaviors but what about deplatforming?

              In 2012, the horrors of the Sandy Hook Mass Shooting unfolded in front of the entire nation. Not everyone was as impacted by the deaths of 20 six-seven year olds; radio personality Alex Jones had questions about the truth of the event and embarked on a conspiracy campaign alleging Sandy Hook was a “false flag” and accused the parents of being crisis actors. During Jones’ daily 3hr InfoWars shows he encouraged followers to begin harassing the bereaved parents and survivors of the event. This has led to an ongoing class-action lawsuit by those affected by his speech, but Jones continued to freely post on the largest social media platforms.

              It wasn’t until six years later that Jones was deplatformed with the tech giants stating they blocked Infowars not because of the conspiracy theories, but because of hate speech.

  • Spotify:  Infowars “expressly and principally promotes, advocates, or incites hatred or violence against a group or individual based on characteristics.”
  • Facebook: for “glorifying violence, which violates our graphic violence policy, and using dehumanizing language to describe people who are transgender, Muslims and immigrants, which violates our hate speech policies.”
  • Apple: “Apple does not tolerate hate speech, and we have clear guidelines that creators and developers must follow to ensure we provide a safe environment for all of our users,” adding, “podcasts that violate these guidelines are removed from our directory.”

Alex Jones protesting a COVID lockdown at a Texas Park

Studies have begun to show deplatforming is an effective reduction in “the overall activity and toxicity levels of supporters”. Is this reduction of harmful rhetoric, that often leads to pain and violence, worth the possible infringement on free speech?

       Is deplatforming by private companies a violation of free speech? Should we consider Twitter, Facebook, Youtube, etc. as a “public square” where citizens should be able to engage in the marketplace of ideas?

       Should the tech platforms be allowed to remove users and limit platforms for them to espouse such speech?

What, if any, do you find as an acceptable level of “promoting violence or hate speech” to justify deplatforming someone from a social media network?

       If deplatforming is a justifiable strategy, is there a route to redemption that allows the offender back onto the platforms? 

Sunday, October 24, 2021

Please Don't Touch...

 



In 1787, as our founding fathers were writing the Constitution, there is no way they could have even dreamed of the advances in technology the next 250 years would bring. Because of this, we are now faced with trying to fit modern problems into a framework conceived over two centuries prior.

The infiltration of technology into the law is not particularly new. The first conviction using fingerprint evidence was obtained in 1911. Since then, the courts have routinely upheld the use of fingerprints as evidence, and subject to Fourth Amendment protections in obtaining them. This standard principle prevailed for decades, until the introduction of fingerprint technology being utilized as a security measure on electronics.  

Federal judges in many districts have concurred with the longstanding precedent that compelling someone to provide their fingerprints to unlock electronic devices is admissible when a proper search warrant is obtained. However, some courts have found that with the shift in the utilization of fingerprints, so have the implications in constitutional protections.

A federal judge in the District of Northern California ruled that compelling someone to provide their biometric data—such as fingerprints or facial images—is testimony rather than evidence, in the context of unlocking an electronic devise.[1]

This interpretation of the change from fingerprints being strictly evidence, to a form of testimony, is further expounded upon by a federal judge in the Northern District of Illinois. The judge held, “By using a finger to unlock a phone's contents, a suspect is producing the contents on the phone. With a touch of a finger, a suspect is testifying that he or she has accessed the phone before, at a minimum, to set up the fingerprint password capabilities, and that he or she currently has some level of control over or relatively significant connection to the phone and its contents.”[2] 

Taking it even further, in 2016, law enforcement approached a Michigan State University computer science professor, asking him to create a 3D-printed replica of a dead man’s finger. They believed the fingerprint would unlock a murder victim’s cell phone, possibly leading them to the killer. “Once printed, a micron-thick coating of metal – gold, copper or silver – is applied to the surface. This recreates the electrical conductivity found in human skin that is required to make modern capacitive fingerprint readers work.” [3]

With every new technology made available, it is inevitable it will eventually be the subject of legal arguments. The advent and popularity of biometric data outside of fingerprints has now been the topic of discussion in courtrooms.

Just this year, Facebook settled a class action lawsuit in which they will be required to pay $650 million for violating Illinois Biometric Information Privacy Act (BIPA) when their “tag suggestions” feature violated the law by, “collecting and storing digital scans of faces without notice or consent.” [4]



Some questions to ponder:

Do you believe, with this expanded use of fingerprints, the courts need to expand the classification of fingerprints to include testimony? What about creating a prosthetic fingerprint and using it to open a cell phone? What constitutional implications does that have? Does it matter if the person is alive or deceased?

Also, do you agree with the Facebook ruling? Do we have an expectation of privacy regarding other biometric data? When we walk down the street, we don’t expect an individual we pass on the street to not look at our face. Is it different when it comes to technology using facial recognition for commercial reasons? Why or why not?     


[1] Burt, Chris, “Judge rules U.S. law enforcement cannot compel biometrics to unlock device” (January 14, 2019). https://www.biometricupdate.com/201901/judge-rules-u-s-law-enforcement-cannot-compel-biometrics-to-unlock-device Last visited October 24, 2021

[2] In re Application for a Search Warrant, 236 F. Supp. 3d 1066, 1073 (N.D. Ill. 2017)

[3] Solon, Olivia, “Police seek to unlock murder victim's phone using 3D replica of fingertips” https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2016/jul/22/smartphone-fingerprint-security-police-unlock-3d-printer-murder-victim-biometrics Last visited October 24, 2021.

[4] Bryant, Jennifer “Facebook’s $650M BIPA settlement ‘a make-or-break moment’”(March 5, 2021). https://iapp.org/news/a/facebooks-650m-bipa-settlement-a-make-or-break-moment Last visited October 24, 2021

Racialized System: Design or Fate?

By Cristobal Villegas Introduction The United States of America in 2021 is the result of the decisions of past political leaders, resurgent ...